THE IMPORTANCE OF COMPLEMENTARITY IN THE TERRITORIAL COHESION AND SUSTAINABILITY OF RURAL AREAS: THE CASE OF CAMBRES, A DOURO WINEGROWING AREA, AND MAGUEIJA, A MOUNTAINOUS AREA

The Importance of Complementarity in the Territorial Cohesion and Sustainability of Rural Areas: The Case of Cambres, a Douro Winegrowing Area, and Magueija, a Mountainous Area Although the rural world reveals several troubling trends, such as demographic decline and stagnation/deterioration of the economic framework, there are multiple potentialities requiring urgent vitalization. Furthermore, heterogeneity predominates, a fact that becomes very clear when comparing the territorial setting of Cambres, a parish located in the Lamego municipality, part of the Douro winegrowing area and the area classified as World Heritage by UNESCO, with another parish set within mountainous terrain, Magueija, also located in the Lamego municipality, whose endogenous potential is completely neglected. As such, many challenges compromise its development and conformance with one of the main strategic vectors for the region, which is territorial cohesion.


Introduction
The North of Portugal stands out nationally due to its high population density, albeit with a highly variable geographical distribution, and as exhibiting a number of the more problematic social and economic indicators.These asymmetries are more clearly visible when the territory under study is subdivided, making the concentration of the population and of the productive sector in the coastal regions undeniable.
This scenario is further magnified when we focus on peripheral areas, such as the Douro Demarcated Region (DDR), part of which was classified as World Heritage in 2001, or on the Trás-os-Montes and Beira areas surrounding it, which are gradually suffering population loss in a trend that is inseparable from the progressive ageing of the population and the stagnation/deterioration of the regional economic framework.The preservation of this landscape is thus compromised.When focusing on these aspects at the local scale, this scenario becomes even bleaker.Indeed, when comparing the territorial setting of Cambres, a parish within the Douro wine region in the Lamego municipality, with another parish set within a mountainous morphology, Magueija, it becomes obvious that the less attracttive one is clearly undervalued, and its endogenous potential has been ignored.Nevertheless, considering the focus of the "National Strategic Reference Framework -2007/2013" on rural development, consolidated in PRODER, the following aims stand out: • Increase the competitiveness of the agricultural and forestry sectors, especially the more highly specialized strategic lines, an example of which is wine, enhancing marketing and internationalization.
• Invest in diversity, but where quality is the key factor, sponsoring and promoting certified products.
• Guarantee the sustainability of rural areas and "less favoured zones", protecting edaphic and water resources and planning for their continued use.
• Increase territorial and social cohesion by boosting the qualifications of human resources, as well as making the best use of new technologies and broadening multifunctionalities, aiming to diversify the rural economy and raise the population's quality of life.
Thus, the region's endogenous potential could be boosted in such a way as to expand its capacity and implement the LEADER approach; yet, contrary to these key strategic lines, the more problematic areas are undervalued.In view of this, how is territorial cohesion to be reinforced?How can we expand local and regional competitiveness and, at the same time, increase the sustainability of these rural areas?Where do the private actors and local authorities stand in the implementation of strategies likely to minimize the imbalances highlighted?The cases addressed in this article illustrate these issues.

Some contextual notes
The parish is located in the western-most area of the DDR and covers over 11.16km 2 , extending from the left bank of the Douro River at about 50 m in altitude, to 440 m at its highest point.The terrain is rugged and hilly but very attractive, rising from North to South, and becoming markedly steeper at higher altitudes.
In keeping with these characteristics, the striking changes in landscape are quite visible in terms of land occupation.Despite the traditional terraces filled with vineyards (Fig. 2), as we approach the 400 m mark, they are gradually replaced by olive groves, orchards and forests on the shadier slopes, offering remarkable biodiversity.
Fig. 2: Importance of viticulture implanted in traditional terraces.
Cambres offers a changing Mediterranean climate with daily maximum summer temperatures often topping 40 º C and sharp winters with frost setting in between January and March, although snowfall only occurs occasionally.This is clearly an edaphoclimatic setting favouring winegrowing, the keystone for the extensive history of this culture.Port wine and other high-quality DOC Douro wines are produced in this region, in addition to olive oil and fruit.It's an environment in which man transformed harsh schist soils into a unique landscape (Pina 2007;Azevedo 1976), which merited the attention of UNESCO.
On the other hand, Cambres has a privileged location between two very important multifunctional urban centres: Lamego, with an extensive heritage, and Peso da Régua, the "capital of Port wine".Furthermore, Vila Real is within 15 minutes (via the A24 highway) of the main regional urban centre, and Viseu, the district capital, is less than 45 minutes away, to the south.
In addition to these characteristics, there is a significant cultural, gastronomic, wine and architectual heritage, making the Cambres' territorial setting a particularly appealing one.

The profile of the rural population
Although extremely attractive, this territory has a variety of problems, namely an inadequate land use structure, the persistence of old vineyards, demographic decline and an ageing population.
In terms of Cambres' demographic growth, two distinct trends can be pinpointed: continuous increases in population accelerating up to 1940, followed by a period of decline lasting until present, although it did gradually "slow down".In 1864, Cambres' population totalled 2,515.In 1900, this number rose to 3,290 and, in 1940, it reached a population high of 4,675 inhabitants (Rec.Gerais da População, INE).Later, a period of decline followed, lasting until 1974, reflecting the cumulative effect of various crises in the wine sector.If we overlook the period following the 1974 political revolution, in which the reduction was interrupted by the homecoming of people from the former Portuguese colonies and other emigrants, we are only left with decline.In 2001, there were just 2,561 inhabitants; in other words, 56.7% of the population recorded in 1940 (Rec.Gerais População, INE).However, 2001 was already a clear "slow down" year, since between 1981 and 1991 the drop was close to 25%, whereas during the 1990s, it was less than 10%.Indeed, according to the 2005 estimate, this slow down has become more noticeable.
Another important aspect to consider relates to the changes in the socio-cultural profile of the residents.In the mid-19 th century, the majority of the population was very young, with 40% of residents under 21 and those over 65 comprising less than 4%, whereas in 2001 an ageing trend was undeniable, with 31% of the resident population over 65, and those under 21 totalling only 21% (Rec.Gerais da População, INE).Nevertheless, in the 19 th century more than 70% of residents were illiterate (especially the elderly, particularly women), but in 2001, cultural and technical training was widespread, although much of the population did not have more than primary education.
Working-age young people in Cambres choose to work in the tertiary sector, in the urban centres close to the parish, or have dual activities helping the elderly, those who actually sustain the wine sector.The underlying reason has to do with the fact that a minimum level of profitability of the vineyard is guaranteed after adopting technological improvements that reduce the time needed for farming activities by a third or a quarter (Pina 2007).

Local economic structure: the importance of the wine sector
The wine sector undoubtedly supports the local economy, although it is immersed in various problems, one of which relates to the land use structure of the farmsteads.Indeed, the significant sub-division of land is undeniable, as in 1999 the average size of the farmsteads was 3 ha and 46% were under 1 ha (Fig. 3).It should be noted that, even though they were already small, the farmsteads were further subdivided into 2 or 3 plots, which meant that their average size was under 0.8 ha.Nevertheless, these farmsteads proliferated in a context where family sustenance is highly valued.
As such, it is hardly surprising that between 1989 and 1999, the number of farmsteads decreased.The fact is, despite the low profitability of farmsteads and the low level of mechanization, resorting to dual activity and the sentimental and social value of land ownership both justify the preservation of agricultural work under a family umbrella, and only the sale of land for urban expansion and property transfers has contributed to this reduction.In this context, out of the 319 farmsteads recorded in 1989, 274 were still there ten years later (Rec.Agrícolas, 1989 and1999, INE).However, it should be noted that this was not in any way the result of abandonment.As a result of the constraints presented, it is no wonder that, in 1999, the farming population of the parish totalled only 30.7% of the residents, the majority of whom were elderly, with empirical training and low schooling levels.Although the younger population has increasingly better technical training, perhaps even at an undergraduate level, they are generally detached from the wine sector, the exception being the heirs of larger farmsteads, who have full technical training, a level that also applies to those over 65.Even though the social divide deepens, as long as some level of profitability is to be obtained in the wine sector, since the farmers have sentimental ties to the vineyards, this sector will persist.

The multifunctionality of the Cambres landscape
We have established that the situation in Cambres is attractive, yet problematic, and is sustained by the wine sector.However, there are other possibilities that are likely to intensify the requalification/multifunctionality of the landscape, namely through better sized farmsteads, which are now beginning to invest in Tourism in Rural Areas (TRA).This tendency began in the 1980s, first in the Lower Corgo, the western-most subregion of the DDR, where Cambres is located, and then in the Upper Corgo.This strategy was to truly expand in the 1990s, accompanied by greater territorial spread, predominating in the Lower Corgo.TRA is widespread here, as can be seen in Cambres, where one of the examples of this investment is the Quinta da Pacheca.
The name of this farmstead dates back to 1738, and it was one of the first Douro farms to bottle wine with the farm label.Its 37 ha of mechanized vineyards produce about 400 casks, under the coordination of the family and supported by 11 paid workers.The farmstead has run the tourism business for a decade, and it has become so valued that, in addition to being part of the "Port Wine Route", they also established the "Hotel Rural Quinta da Pacheca".
There are many other examples of investments made in tourism to make better use of the manifold potential offered.Such is the case of "Quinta da Casa Amarela", established in 1885 and running a traditional type of activity: the production of wines.It only started to make, bottle and sell generous wines in 1994, and from 2000 on, other DOC wines.Boasting 17 ha of traditional vineyards, it is part of the "Port Wine Route", receiving about 2,000 visitors a year.
Given the cultural and historical background of Cambres, TRA is expanding, providing for 9 new estates.Generally speaking, they are average in size, set in a privileged location and boast magnificent buildings.Run by families, they offer guests activities, some of which are only linked to the estate used for their stay, and others that allow the visitors to come into contact with the region and the main urban centres, in addition to visits to protected areas, such as the Biological Park of Meadas and the Natural Parks of Alvão and Marão.They have also signed agreements with regional companies to offer cruises along the Douro River, trips on the historical train and even water sports, among other attractions.
Part of the business strategies of these estates was to restructure the vineyards, and at the end of the 20 th century and beginning of the third millennium, they increased the investment in tourism.For example, the "Quinta dos Varais", with its manor house dating back to the 15 th century, renewed its vineyards, began to sell their wines, and at the end of the 1990s, joined the TRA scheme.
Other interesting examples are the "Quinta da Azenha", with a manor house dating back to the 17 th century and set in a wine farmstead of 13 ha, the "Quinta do Mourão" dating back to the 18 th century (Azevedo s/d, 306), the "Quinta de Tourais", and others, whose owners diversified their activities after the Douro Demarcated Region was classified as World Heritage.
TRA tourists are mostly national (60%) from Portugal's northern region, even though there has been a clear rise in the number of foreigners, particularly from Spain, France and the UK.They are generally couples aged 30 to 50 years, who particularly enjoy the landscape, gastronomy and traditions.
Furthermore, to minimize the seasonal nature of tourism in the region, which is highly focused on the summer and most particularly on grape picking, the harvest of other fruits linked to the activity of preserves and liqueurs is being advertised to attract participants.If the harvest of olives is promoted, as it is closely linked to the production of olive-oil and tasting sessions, it will be an excellent activity to vitalize the low season.Reference must also be made to the local handicrafts, such as the basketry, barrel making and tinwork common among the men, and the lace-work and embroidery favoured by the women.However, private initiatives cover more than tourist activities in Cambres.
Investments in the wine sector intensified from the end of the 1990s on, taking full advantage of the proximity to Régua, the headquarters of wine sector services, with the establishment of wine-cellars in addition to other projects, such as "Lacticínios do Paiva, Lda." In short, the varied use of Cambres is a fact and can be enhanced, thus strengthening a heritage consisting of a series of terraces and multicoloured vineyards.Indeed, the wine sector still sustains this idyllic scenario, and this is why it can never be underrated.This parish is a reflection of the general context of the DDR's western-most section and its central area, but in order to proceed with the expansion and territorial spread of TRA, there is a need to innovate and adopt a transversal perspective that can cover all the different territorial, social, economic and cultural components.It is in this setting that there is also a need to publicize and professionalize, as well as to boost complementarity with other surrounding territorial units of the DDR, such as the mountain areas.

Some contextual notes
Travelling southwards from Cambres and beyond Lamego, the "cultural capital of the Douro", the landscape changes and the vineyard is replaced by traditional mixed farming, interrupted only by forests and orchards.This is where we find Magueija.
The road takes us through an attractive 15 km track, which complements the Douro one.In fact, the complementarities between these two areas are grounded in historical roots.How can we ignore the "rogas" (a "roga" comprised a group of people from the mountain settlements, travelling to harvest in the Douro region) leaving for the Douro harvest, or the men helping in the reconstruction and preservation of the Douro terraces?How can we disregard the importance of cereals, wool, linen, potatoes and cattle from the mountain parishes, which fed the city of Lamego, and the wine parishes from where they received wine, olive-oil and fruit?First and foremost, the most prominent characteristics of Magueija have to be described.
Like Cambres, this parish belongs to the administrative area of Lamego, and is set within the transition area adjacent to the Montemuro Mountains.With an area of about 10.35 km 2 , Magueija is a typical example of a mountainous area, with an irregular terrain and granite substratum.The Balsemão River, and other water routes with hundreds of "poças" (pools) and irrigation canals (Fig. 5), are the result of centuries-old "hydraulic engineering".There are numerous water resources and significant edaphics, boasting deep soils and humus up to the 750-850 m mark, where we find inhabited areas; the skeletal soils are only found above the 900 m limit.
The diversity seen in Magueija, in edaphic terms, is also visible in the climate.In fact, the extremely hot summers in the Douro valley have now been replaced by "mild" temperatures and very wet and harsh winters, despite the more abrupt changes at higher sites, in which the year-round winds are predominantly NW and NNW, used to power the existing wind farm since 1996 (Pina 2007).
Although the physical substratum of Magueija may not be considered the most attractive, its diversity must nevertheless be highlighted.In fact, with the exception of the more exposed areas, the landscape structure is outstanding, and the built, cultural and social heritage is remarkable.Worthy of reference are Magueija and Magueijinha, with a pillory from the 16 th century and an old jailhouse bringing to mind that it was once the seat of the council until administrative restructuring took place in the 19 th century (Costa 1975).Furthermore, whereas on the rising slopes we find simpler constructions, here the landscape adds more distinctive features to the lack of historical architecture, as in Vila Lobos (Fig. 6), where the houses seem to merge with the blocks of granite.Magueija is set within a bucolic and attractive landscape, presided over by a farming sector that has invested much in the trilogy formed by cereals/potato/livestock, although diversity is also unquestionable.In fact, the margins of the Balsemão River are flanked by narrow green stretches of cultivated land, called "leiras", and potato and cereals are cultivated on the rising slopes.On shadier slopes, chestnut-groves provide nourishment for the fattened pig, the "porco cevado", fed on smaller chestnuts for most of its life.The pig was thus fattened, and the taste of its meat was such that it was sent to the Portuguese Royal Court in the 16 th century (Dias 1947, 31;Costa 1975, 110).
As for the uncultivated land at the base of which Vila Lobos is located, despite its stunning landscape, abandonment is prevalent, especially the support infrastructures used by the shepherds for their herds.In short, the endogenous potential of Magueija is extensive and varied; yet, problems persist and multiply, particularly those of a demographic and economic nature.

Some demographic aspects: the farming population
If we thought Cambres' demographic structure had problems, the structure in Magueija is even more striking: after controlled population growths until 1950, the decline is obvious, making the population in 2001 less than in 1864.In fact, the census accounted for 907 inhabitants in 1864, whereas in 2001 there were only 742, which, in turn, corresponded to about half of the population in 1950 (1,520 inhabitants), when it reached its peak.This was the result of successive cereal crises, which were exacerbated by shortages of chestnuts and potatoes.As such, survival was the top priority of the local population, leading men to head towards Douro to perform "Douro tasks".This is why the population in 1878 was essentially made up of young women.In fact, 40.8% of the populations were under 21, and 25.6% were under 10, whilst those over 65 made up less than 8% of the population.Furthermore, 78.2% were illiterate (Pina 2007).
In the 20 th century, as cereal production benefited from favourable conditions, the population increased.When the subsidies were withdrawn, and later totally abolished, the tendency shifted, and the population declined.This was also the result of a beetle plague that affected the production of potatoes and especially the result of the inadequate land structure and the frail distribution channels for the regional products.
In addition to demographic decline, the local population was ageing.In 2001, about 39% of the residents were over 65, and most of them were illiterate.Nevertheless, they supported whatever was left of the agricultural sector.In the meantime, of those under 21, only 24% (in 1981 they totalled 44.5%; Rec.Geral da População 1981, INE) had attended the minimum compulsory school years and only very rarely did they advance their studies.When this did happen, they would find employment in the tertiary sector in the regional urban centres, and for this reason, Magueija became a predominantly residential area.At the same time, many houses lacking proper access roads were abandoned, so about 60% of the parish houses at the beginning of the 21 st century were in a very poor state of preservation.Despite its landscape settings, Magueija has gradually been abandoned, allowing deterioration to invade a heritage that would otherwise be ideal for tourist activities, namely, village tourism!

The local economic structure
The local economic environment was, likewise, of great concern.Although agriculture and livestock still governed the local economic environment, the agricultural sector was to face many problems.In fact, the land was sub-divided to cater for new generations, and these sub-divided plots of land were so insignificant in size that they were not economically feasible, and therefore were soon abandoned.While in 1979 there were 199 referenced farming units, ten years later, this figure stood at 74, and in the last census, in 1999 (Fig. 7), there were only 43 (Rec.Agrícolas de 1979Agrícolas de , 1989Agrícolas de , 1999)).Furthermore, although farmsteads of between 1 and 2 ha were predominant, and those larger than 10 ha were rare, in 1999 the average size of farmsteads was 2.27 ha, an area generally split into 6 plots, which totalled an average unit size of 3,900 m (by survey in 2007).The total or partial abandonment of farmsteads was a reality.Only the places with proper access and water resources remained active, particularly those located around the farmer's main house.Therefore, 65% of the agro-forestry soil in Magueija was abandoned at the onset of the 21 st century, and we expect the resulting environmental deterioration to spread to more than 85% of the area at the end of the decade.
The livestock sector was also affected.There were more than two thousand goats and sheep the area in the middle of last century, whereas in 2007 the number barely totalled a herd of 200 animals belonging to a young ex-emigrant who was desperately looking for an alternative to agriculture and raising livestock.With regard to cattle, nowadays there are no animals at all, not even the "porco cevado".
The farming population, in turn, consists of only 15% of the resident population: 111 inhabitants, whereas in 1989, there were 322.Furthermore, their social and economic profile was very frail, with the illiterate elderly with empirical training representing the majority (Fig. 8).The rest had a primary level of education, and those who had furthered their studies were not professionally connected to the agricultural sector.In summary, the human structure linked to the farmsteads in Magueija was of much concern and showed a clear regression.However, the endogenous potential is increasing, showing a scenario in which sustainability is possible, especially if strengthened by different areas, namely those of the Douro.

The development of Magueija: some strategic guidelines
Although the current situation poses a problem to Magueija, its heritage is nevertheless fabulous.It consists of "poças" and irrigation canals located in the inhabited places and scattered elsewhere in the form of other structures which, despite being abandoned, still remain.The same can be said about the villages.This heritage is set within an exceptional, yet totally underused landscape and offers us differing structures according to their location on the slopes and their function.

Source: Recenseamento Agrícola de 1999, INE, Lisboa
There is a pressing need to vitalize this area, as there are other activities that can be combined with the traditional ones, such as organic farming and technical forestation, in addition to the investment in ecotourism or in any other type of TRA.In fact, the potential is promising: "theme tracks" to promote the diverse fauna and flora, the revitalization of handicrafts to include the production of wooden clogs and the manufacture of rugs and quilts, articles that have survived until the beginning of the 21 st century.We also can't forget the heritage value of watermills alongside the clear waters of the Balsemão River, waiting to be converted into a multipurpose project.
Furthermore, as the sheep meat produced in Magueija is highly reputed, this activity should be revived to allow visitors to accompany a herd in what could be called a "shepherd for a day" activity.But the unquestionable strategic investment that would launch this parish is the association movement.However, who would sponsor and coordinate such an institution?We have to remember that all investments will only be possible after restructuring, which would, in any case, allow project leaders to apply for the PRODER community funds.
One of the most important obstacles to overcome is related to the mentality of farm owners; yet, in view of such abandonment, there is some receptivity regarding this possibility.The potential work teams would recover the houses, preserving their regional characteristics and perform farming activities.The groundwork would contribute to vitalizing and certifying the "porco cevado" and related activities (sausages, the killing of the pig), in addition to chestnut harvests and related activities, thus reviving the "Falacha" (a typical cake).In terms of cultural animation, other teams would emerge, benefiting from joining efforts with the Associação de Amigos do Rio Balsemão (ASAMIRB) (Friends of the Balsemão River Association).
These are a few ways to revitalize these peripheral areas, which are today wholly underrated, to guarantee their sustainability and particularly to boost complementarities

Conclusion
To summarize this analysis, investments have to be made in the preservation and diversity of the landscape so as to obtain sustainable development and territorial cohesion.There are many possibilities, but the residents have to be trained, motivated and technically coordinated so that these territories can be revitalized from a multifunctional and complementary perspective.In the implementation of these dynamics, tourism can also trigger a series of overarching activities in social and economic terms.But how can investments in more socially depressed areas, such as Magueija, be stimulated?Should the coordination of local government in these areas be particularly promoted?Will territorial stagnation, or even regression, reveal a problem of governance?
The main aim is to achieve "sustainable development" leading progressively to "territorial cohesion".For this, a contextual perspective is required wherein "complementarity" is always present.It is also up to the local and national authorities to promote such guidelines and to support them first, in their various forms, particularly in the peripheral areas, since private initiatives disregard these problem areas.The complementarity between the different areas would nevertheless strengthen not only these specific areas but the entire territory, as we have seen in the examples described, Cambres and Magueija.

THE IMPORTANCE OF COMPLEMENTARITY IN THE TERRITORIAL COHESION AND SUSTAINABILITY OF RURAL AREAS: THE CASE OF CAMBRES, A DOURO WINEGROWING AREA, AND MAGUEIJA, A MOUNTAINOUS AREA Summary
The North of Portugal stands out nationwide, among other parameters, due to its high population density, albeit with a highly variable geographical distribution, as well as aggregating a number of the more problematic social and economic indicators.These asymmetries are more clearly visible when the territory under study is subdivided, in which demographic concentration and of the productive sector in the coastal regions is undeniable.
This scenario is further magnified when we focus on peripheral areas, such as the Douro Demarcated Region (DDR), part of which was classified as World Heritage in 2001, or on the Trás-os-Montes and Beira areas surrounding it, which are gradually suffering population loss.When focusing on these aspects at the local scale, this scenario becomes even bleaker.Indeed, when comparing the territorial setting of Cambres, a parish within the Douro wine region, with another parish set within a mountainous morphology, Magueija, both located in the Lamego municipality, it becomes obvious that the less attractive one is easily underestimated, despite the fact that the "National Strategic Reference Framework -2007/2013", in its rural development dimension, emphasizes the need to increase territorial and social cohesion, and the enhancement of endogenous potential.Thus, a comparative analysis is required of the two parishes mentioned, so as to exemplify the statements made.
The first example, Cambres, a parish covering about 11.16 km 2 located in the western-most area of the DDR, where Port and other high-quality DOC wines are produced.It is set in an idyllic landscape, where traditional terraces cover the slopes, laden with vineyards on schist soils, and a highly favourable Mediterraneantype microclimate.It is further enhanced by it geographical location between two regional urban centres boasting good road accesses.
Despite this extremely attractive setting, demographic decline is undeniable, even though the trend has "slowed down" since the 1990s, associated with an ageing population and a younger generation which has come to opt for activities other than viticulture.Indeed, although winegrowing is the parish's economic mainstay, it is developed within a highly deficient land use framework, dominated by small-sized holdings less than 2 hectares in total area, which are further subdivided into plots scattered throughout the parish.Farmsteads with areas above 10 hectares are exceptions.Nevertheless, the vineyards are not abandoned.
Given Cambres' attractive territorial setting, and the fact that, since the 1990s, it expanded from producing wines, to their bottling and direct marketing, as well as Tourism in Rural Areas (TRA), advantage has been taken of the manifold potential of the landscape and the establishment of larger holdings.Examples include wine exporting companies that have established their headquarters in the parish, as have wine companies.More ambitious, mostly private, projects have also taken off, such as high-end yet small-sized signature hotels, blending perfectly with the landscape, one of which is a five-star establishment, and another, four-star.A dairy plant was also established in Cambres, thus profiting from new roadways, essential the distribution of its products.To sum up, Cambres' general conjuncture is quite favourable, although profound restructuring of the wine sector is urgently required the foundation of the local economic fabric.
The second example, Magueija, has a completely different setting.Indeed, one just has to travel 15 km south to see that, beyond Lamego, the landscape changes, where winegrowing is substituted by the tradition mixture of crops, only interrupted by forests and orchards.It is in this scenario that Magueija stands out.
Like Cambres, this parish belongs to the administrative area of Lamego, and is set within the transition area adjacent to the Montemuro mountains.Magueija is the typical example of a mountain area, with an irregular terrain and granite substratum, but with important landscape, water and edaphic resources.Its built, cultural and social heritage is also remarkable, as is the great biodiversity of its flora and fauna.
Magueija is set within a bucolic and attractive landscape, presided over by a farming sector that has invested much in the trilogy formed by cereals/potato/livestock, albeit based on a very deficient land use structure, where plots under 3,000 m 2 in area dominate, scattered throughout the parish and with poor access routes.Faced with the lack of profitability of the farmsteads, particularly when cereal subsidies were ended and the trade circuits through which local products were distributed broke down, the younger generations felt discouraged.Only the elderly, illiterate or physically challenged remained to carry on with the farm work.In this context, the population has declined sharply, associated with the abandonment of the farmsteads and built heritage, namely places of residence.
Nevertheless, the endogenous potential of Magueija is extensive and varied, and if investment were to be made in revitalizing its rich tradition in handicrafts, in restoring the mills found along the banks of the Balsemão River for tourism, and reviving livestock breeding, most particularly of the "porco cevado" (pig fed primarily on chestnuts) and associated activities, a sustainable dynamic could be implemented in Magueija.Furthermore, from a multifunctional perspective, any type of TRA is also viable here.
The historical complementarity between the various Douro winegrowing and mountainous areas has ceased to exist, accompanied by demographic decline.However, if the local agriculture and livestock breeding were to be revitalized, based on associations and other dynamics, this would be beneficial not only to Magueija, given its specificities, but also to other winegrowing areas.However, in the face of widespread inertia and discouragement of Magueija's inhabitants, as well as the lack of initiative on the part of the local authorities, deprived of the political, financial and technical means to undertake any type of enterprise, how can these areas be bolstered?
To summarize, investments have to be made in the preservation and diversity of the landscape in order to obtain sustainable development and territorial cohesion.There are many possibilities, but the residents have to be trained, motivated and technically coordinated, so that these territories can be revitalized from a multifunctional perspective, in which complementarity is always present.In the implementation of these dynamics, tourism can also trigger a series of overarching activities in social and economic terms, including more socially depressed areas, such as Magueija.Should the coordination of local government in these areas be particularly promoted?Will territorial stagnation, or even regression, reveal a problem of governance?
The main aim is to achieve "sustainable development" leading progressively to "territorial cohesion".A contextual perspective is however required wherein "complementarity" is always present.
The attractive landscape and cultural settings, the improvement of accessibility and the classification of Douro as World Heritage have further merited new investments in this "major tourist hub" (according to the Tourism Strategic Plan 2007-2013, and the Douro Valley Tourism Development Plan 2007-2013), materialized in very ambitious private projects in the area of quality tourism, for example, the "Aquapura Douro Valley", a five-star hotel occupying a 19 th century manor house, and the "Douro River Hotel" (Fig .4),a private 4-star establishment opened in 2009.